With the rise of Indian gambling casinos all over the
country — and in particular those 60 casinos in California with more on the way
— the question naturally arises: Who exactly qualifies to call themselves an
“Indian”?
The basic answer to what appears to be a simple question
is that an “Indian” is whoever the particular tribe says is an Indian. Now any
person can claim to be part Indian, just as many say they are part Irish on St.
Patrick’s Day.
Since the sympathetic attitude toward real Indians and
descendants became a popular cause in recent decades and more recently, some
Indian tribes and bands opened lucrative gambling casinos. More and more people
are laying claim to be “Indian” or part Indian often with the hope of cashing
in on the huge profit distributions in per capita payments paid out to tribal
members of federally acknowledged Indian tribes, bands or communities with
casinos.
The federal agencies charged with recordkeeping for
recognized tribes refuse to get involved in the tribal enrollment practices, so
enrollment is dependent, almost entirely, on tribal government and politics.
Typically, there are controlling families within tribal groups who hold sway
over membership issues.
There are several recognized groups of California
“Indians” who have only one, two or perhaps a handful of members. So any new
members admitted are often family members of existing members.
The only thing the responsible federal agency, the Bureau
of Indian Affairs, will furnish is a calculation of the blood quantum of anyone
seeking membership, if the tribe or band has such a limitation.
The tribe has sole discretion to set such a “blood”
requirement and to submit the name and ancestry of any proposed member seeking
enrollment. Whatever vague and incomplete historical records the BIA has are
based on “field surveys” and “Indian Census taking” nearly a century ago and
which were based entirely on forms filled out by those agents when they talked
(sometimes) with the persons and families involved. They relied upon those
sketchy and often incomplete interviews and replies in creating an official
“Indian ancestry” record.
These federal Indian policies have created no shortage of
hardship and injustice to real Indians and no shortage of corruption by those
“wannabe” Indians trying to scam the system now that gambling casinos are here.
It has also created many absurd interpretations,
particularly now that there are significant economic benefits, for a share of
the millions in welfare and grant monies provided to Indian groups, on top of
the monies they receive from their many economic endeavors, like gambling
casinos, hotels, restaurants, amusement parks, shopping centers, marinas, ski
resorts, etc.
A classic example of the potential for abuse of this
federal “hands off” policy is the re-creation of a tribe calling itself the Mashantucket Pequote
tribe. The founder, “Skip” Hayward, was able to trace a 1/34 ancestry to an old
Indian woman living on an abandoned Pequote
reservation near Ledyard, Conn. Jeff Benedict recounts the incredible story of
how Hayward parlayed that connection into the billion dollar-a-year casino
called Foxwoods, in his expose book titled “Without Reservation” (HarperCollins
2000).
Perhaps it is too simple a solution, but if one is more
than 50 percent of a non-Indian ancestry, then they
are not Indian for any legal purpose. After all, if one were 7/8ths German and
1/8th Arapaho it hardly seems like you would be “Indian.”
It is a graphic example of how federal Indian policy is
so easily manipulated by outside, non-Indian gambling investors seeking to
spread casino gambling beyond Nevada and Atlantic City by using the Indian
Gaming and Regulatory Act of 1988 and so-called “Indian tribes” as a front.
The ugliest side of this federal Indian enrollment policy
is the power it puts into the hands of tribal governments and controlling
families, because the fear of any disenrollment becomes a weapon to advance
tribal corruption and silence members who do not agree with their government or
its policies.
One such vivid example here in California occurred at the
Pechanga tribe, another massive and profitable gambling casino between
Riverside and San Diego. Once boasting about 900 members, in one fell swoop,
tribal Chairman Mark Macarro disenrolled
an entire extended family, the Gomez family, in a move commonly recognized as
an effort to fatten the profits for the remaining members and families.
To sell this disenrollment to other suspicious tribal
members, who suspected Macarro’s true motives, he
paid for and commissioned an ethnological investigator from here in Santa
Barbara County, John R. Johnson, curator of anthropology at the Santa Barbara
Museum of Natural History. He is a renowned authority on California Indians and
was hired at the tribe’s considerable expense.
His thorough investigation and report to the Pechanga
tribal government concluded, essentially, that the Gomez extended family was as
much entitled to enrollment as anyone else. The tribal government promptly
dismissed his report out of hand, ignoring his findings. To this day, the Gomez
family has not been re-enrolled. Because Indian tribes are allowed to disregard
the U.S. Constitution, even though tribal members are, by law, U.S. citizens,
the Gomez family has no legal recourse.
Congress attempted to rectify the injustice of tribal
governmental power trumping the U.S. Constitution by enacting the Indian Civil
Rights Act. But when they did that, they created a Bill of Rights in that law
with no legal means to enforce those rights in any real court of law.
Locally, the 152 enrolled members of the Chumash collect
$45,000 every month in per capita distribution of gambling profits, while the
700 or so descendants of 1/8th or less ancestry get no money at all.
Most of us remember the millions the tribes and their
outside casino investors spent to legalize casinos in California, and their
main argument was how it would get all Indians off welfare and make them self
sufficient. They never mentioned “enrolled members” only.
Unless Congress or the U.S. Supreme Court does something
to correct these blatant injustices created by federal Indian policies, then
the question of who is and who is not Indian will always be answered, “Whoever
the tribe says is Indian.”